[ Mortgaged House I. High-Flying PACs: Texas’ Most Powerful Special Interests |
|
Between July 1995 and year-end 1996, TLS registers 3,864 contributions of $1,000 or more to Texas House candidates. These large contributions amounted to more than $6.8 million. Almost 1,200 PACs and businesses contributed $4.5 million worth of these big checks, or about two-thirds of this money. The remaining whopper checks came from individuals.
The top 20 PACs and businesses account for almost $3 million, or two-thirds of this sector’s large contributions. When it comes to huge political checks, nobody comes close to Texans for Lawsuit Reform (TLR). In the 18 months ending in December 1996, TLR wrote $604,795 worth of four- and five-figure checks to House candidates. TLR, in turn, obtained almost half of its money from just 18 of Texas’ wealthiest families. Though TLR calls itself “bipartisan,” 73 percent of the money that it gave to current House members went to Republicans. In the close races where it concentrated its funds, TLR gave Republicans 89 percent of its money.9
Viewed as a kind of half-time score board, the preceding graph illustrates who is fighting and who is winning such heady legislative battles as:
When the Legislature plays the game of checkbook politics, the Democratic Party, the Texas Trial Lawyers and the unions assemble on the field, but they watch the point spread widen
House Special: Biggest Interests in the House
| ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|
Similar trends emerge when major PAC and business contributions are broken down by industries and interests.
Altogether, Republican Party PACs spent more than $1 million, compared with less than $200,000 from Democratic PACs. The Texas Trial Lawyers and individual plaintiff law firms spent one-third of what House candidates took from tort reform PACs (TLR and the Texas Civil Justice League) and from corporate defense lawyers. Finally, business spending blew political spending by unions out of the water.
Again, the real story is that special interests are seizing House influence at the expense of regular voters.
10 Real estate interests have backed legislation limiting premises liability, for example, and the accountant and medical PACs have pushed proposals to shield themselves from malpractice suits.