III. Lobbyists

A. Texas' Top Lobbyists

Thirty-six lobbyists reported maximum lobby incomes exceeding $1.5 million in 2009, up from 26 lobbyists who cleared this amount in 2007. These top lobbyists received up to $78 million for 1,366 contracts, accounting for 23 percent of all Texas lobby dollars.

Texas’ $1.5 Million Lobbyists

Lobbyist	Max. Value of Contracts	Min. Value of Contracts	No. of Contracts	Lobbyist Description
Carol McGarah	$3,415,000	$1,735,000	52	Ex-Sen. aide; Blackridge, Inc.
Andrea McWilliams	$3,325,000	$1,660,000	42	Ex-legislative aide
Russell T. Kelley	$3,210,000	$1,700,000	51	Ex-Spkr aide; Blackridge, Inc.
Stan Schlueter	$2,975,000	$1,880,000	27	Ex-legislator
Robert D. Miller	$2,925,000	$1,770,000	30	Ex-Senate aide
Joe B. Allen	$2,900,000	$1,215,000	102	At Allen Boone Humphries
Randall H. Erben	$2,800,000	$1,450,000	31	Ex-Ast. Sec. of State
Dean R. McWilliams	$2,440,000	$1,220,000	31	Ex-Senate aide
Todd M. Smith	$2,435,000	$1,460,000	24	Impact Tex. Communications
Christopher Shields	$2,325,000	$1,425,000	23	Ex-governor’s aide
Michael Toomey	$2,295,000	$1,155,000	31	Ex-gov.’s aide; ex-legislator
Kristen Hogan	$2,250,000	$900,000	90	At Allen Boone Humphries
Mignon McGarry	$2,185,000	$1,280,000	24	Ex-Senate aide
Camm ‘Trey’ Lary III	$2,165,000	$725,000	108	At Allen Boone Humphries
Don A. Gilbert	$2,100,000	$1,145,000	27	Ex-Hlth & Human Srvcs Com.
Ron E. Lewis	$2,085,000	$1,130,000	27	Ex-legislator
David Sibley	$2,060,000	$1,120,000	35	Ex-Senator
"Reggie" G. Bashur	$2,025,000	$1,125,000	23	Ex-governor’s aide
Virginia Martinez	$2,010,000	$1,000,000	40	At Coats Rose
Arthur V. Perkins	$2,010,000	$1,000,000	40	At Coats Rose
W. James Jonas III	$2,000,000	$1,450,000	11	Private practice
Natalie B. Scott	$2,000,000	$1,000,000	39	Ex-Sen. aide; at Coats Rose
Nicholas K. Kralj	$1,925,000	$1,360,000	12	Ex-Speaker aide
Julianne Kugle	$1,900,000	$950,000	38	At Coats Rose
Walter Fisher	$1,800,000	$925,000	19	Ex-Senate Parliamentarian
Nancy Carter	$1,775,000	$555,000	103	At Allen Boone Humphries
J.E. ‘Buster’ Brown	$1,750,000	$890,000	27	Ex-Senator
Robert Johnson Jr.	$1,740,000	$1,140,000	20	Son of Ex-lawmaker
Frank R. Santos	$1,700,000	$875,000	32	Ex-legislative aide
Gaylord Armstrong	$1,695,000	$1,160,000	14	Ex-Congressional aide
Demetrius McDaniel	$1,625,000	$880,000	19	Ex-Agriculture Comm. aide
Yuniedth M. Steen	$1,605,000	$845,000	30	At Locke Lord Bissell & Liddell
Neal T. Jones Jr.	$1,575,000	$470,000	79	Ex-legislator; Ex-Spkr’s aide
Jack Roberts	$1,570,000	$840,000	21	Ex-Comptroller aide
Jim M. Grace Jr.	$1,570,000	$820,000	28	At Baker Botts
John ‘Cliff’ Johnson	$1,525,000	$835,000	16	Ex-gov.’s aide; Ex-legislator

 

B. Fattest Lobby Contracts

The 2007 Texas Legislature reformed a major lobby-disclosure failing. Texas lobbyists previously reported contract values in ranges that maxed out at “$200,000 or more.” This maximum category did not keep up with runaway lobby incomes. The 2007 reform pushed the maximum category up to “$500,000 or more” and required lobbyists to report the exact value of any contracts worth more than $500,000. Demonstrating the importance of the change, lobbyists reported 53 contracts in 2009 with maximum values exceeding $200,000.

Lobbyists reported 13 contracts in 2009 with maximum values of $350,000 or more. About half of these cases involved a lobbyist reporting income he received from his lobby firm.²¹ Two U.S. executives of London-based Henderson Global Investors reported the largest contracts, which they valued at $501,000 apiece. Dan McDonough and Mark Toomey, the Connecticut-based executives of Henderson Global, focus on the large institutional investments of foundations, endowments and pensions. The state of Texas controls multi-billion-dollar pensions and endowment funds. Responding to questions about the contract, Mark Toomey wrote that Henderson seeks “to provide asset management services to any number of groups in Texas state and local government.”

Fattest Lobby Contracts

Client	Lobbyist	Max. Value of Contracts	Min. Value of Contracts
Henderson Global Investors	Dan McDonough	$501,000	$501,000
Henderson Global Investors	Mark Toomey	$501,000	$501,000
Congress Ave. Lobby Group	Christopher Shields	$500,000	$450,000
Holland & Knight	W. James Jonas III	$500,000	$450,000
McGinnis Lochridge & Kilgore	Gaylord  Armstrong	$500,000	$450,000
National Rifle Assn.	Chris W. Cox	$500,000	$450,000
TX Assn. of Realtors	TX Assn. of Realtors	$500,000	$450,000
Pearson Education	W. James Jonas III	$400,000	$350,000
Trinity Industries, Inc.	Stan Schlueter	$400,000	$350,000
Clean Energy Fuels Corp.	Gary D. Compton	$350,000	$300,000
Gulf Greyhound Partners	Robert Johnson Jr.	$350,000	$300,000
Locke Lord Bissell & Liddell	Robert D. Miller	$350,000	$300,000
McGinnis Lochridge & Kilgore	William H. Bingham	$350,000	$300,000

 

Chris W. Cox has directed the lobby arm of the Virginia-based National Rifle Association (NRA) since 2002. He registered as a Texas lobbyist for the first time in 2009. The NRA reported in its 2008 tax filing that it paid Cox $583,664, making him second only to NRA CEO Wayne LaPierre.²²

Ex-lawmaker Stan Schlueter and W. James Jonas reported the biggest contracts with independent clients. At a time when Texas’ State Board of Education is the self-appointed center of the culture wars, the textbook arm of the British publishing giant Pearson paid Jonas up to $400,000 in 2009. Schlueter collected the same amount from Dallas-based Trinity Industries, which produces railcars, barges, concrete, oil tanks and wind towers.

Two other lobbyists reported contracts worth up to $350,000. Gary Compton, who left Locke Liddell for Jackson Walker in early 2010, reported one of these contracts with Clean Energy Fuels Corp. Clean Energy markets natural gas to fuel vehicles. Texan T. Boone Pickens, who promotes this product as a way to reduce U.S. dependence on foreign oil, founded the company.

The son of a former lawmaker and parliamentarian, Robert Johnson, Jr. also reported up to $350,000 from Gulf Greyhound. The value of the 5 percent stake that Johnson’s family owns in this dog track south of Houston would escalate if Texas permits racetracks to install slot machines.

 

    

©Copyright Texans for Public Justice, May 2010